mercoledì 24 ottobre 2012

Chi perde e chi guadagna dalla legge di stabilità

Pubblichiamo qui di seguito una puntuale analisi sulla legge di stabilità varata dal governo e NON ancora approvata dal Parlamento. Nonostante l'opposizione del PD sarà difficile cambiarne l'impianto, aspettiamoci al massimo qualche cambiamento. L'articolo proviene da Pubblico giornale.

di Domenico Moro
da Pubblico giornale

Alcuni continuano a chiedersi qual è il senso di una manovra che prende con una mano e dà con un’altra. In realtà, Monti non dà nulla e prende molto più di quanto sembri. Prende dai redditi più bassi e dai lavoratori e dà alle grandi imprese, realizzando un gigantesco trasferimento di ricchezza sociale. I provvedimenti avranno ulteriori effetti recessivi, sulla linea di quelli già varati e che hanno depresso domanda e produzione. Con una mossa degna di un giocatore delle tre carte, il governo ha gettato fumo negli occhi riducendo le prime due aliquote dell’Irpef.
La prima dal 23% al 22%, la seconda dal 27% al 26%. Nel migliore dei casi si realizzerebbe un risparmio di 280 euro per contribuente, che in totale nel 2013 sarebbe di circa 4,27 miliardi in meno per l’erario. Si tratta però per i cittadini di risparmi del tutto aleatori. In primo luogo, il governo ha introdotto una franchigia di 250 euro su deduzioni e detrazioni e un tetto di 3000 euro alle spese detraibili.
Il risultato è un aggravio di imposta di 2 miliardi di euro, che colpirà 21 milioni di persone, di cui il 94,5% lavoratori dipendenti e pensionati. Per quanto riguarda le spese sanitarie la franchigia a 250 euro risulta raddoppiata rispetto a quella attuale e gli sconti saranno ridotti del 25%, aggravando l’aumento di ticket e spese sanitarie. Tra i più colpiti dal tetto alle spese detraibili saranno i 3,2 milioni di titolari di mutui, che prima potevano portare in dichiarazione fino a 4mila euro con uno sconto di 760 euro, che ora non potrà superare i 570 euro. Con la contrazione dei mutui e del mercato immobiliare è facile immaginare l’ulteriore effetto depressivo sul settore delle costruzioni. Ma l’aspetto forse più odioso delle nuove deduzioni e riduzioni è la retroattività, essendo valide dal 2012, mentre i tagli Irpef partiranno dal prossimo anno: una decisione contro il principio di non retroattività della legge e lo statuto dei diritti del contribuente. Quindi, nel 2012 si verserà una imposta Irpef più salata, altro che alleggerimento fiscale. Senza contare che la riduzione di detrazioni e deduzioni aumenterà l’imponibile da assoggettare alle addizionali regionali e comunali Irpef. Passiamo ora agli aumenti delle imposte, questa volta reali. Il governo ha sottoposto il paese ad una cura da cavallo, motivandola con la volontà di non aumentare l’Iva. Ecco che, invece, l’Iva viene aumentata di un altro punto percentuale, portando l’aliquota media del 10% all’11% e quella massima dal 20 al 21%. In qualche caso, anche l’aliquota più bassa è stata ritoccata: per i servizi delle cooperative si passa dal 4% a 10%. Si tratta di aumenti privi di una seria logica economica. In primo luogo, perché, spostando la tassazione dalle persone alle cose, penalizza i redditi più bassi in quanto l’Iva grava su tutti allo stesso modo. In secondo luogo, perché è poco efficace: tra gennaio e agosto, nonostante l’aumento dell’1%, il gettito Iva è diminuito rispetto al 2011 di 913 milioni (-1,3%). In terzo luogo, l’aumento dell’Iva non si limita ad incrementare i prezzi dell’1%, in quanto il settore della distribuzione di solito prende a pretesto l’aumento dell’Iva per incrementi maggiori. L’aumento dell’inflazione che ne consegue, in presenza di un ristagno salariale e di un aumento di disoccupazione e cassa integrazione, riduce fortemente il potere d’acquisto dei lavoratori e il monte salari complessivo. Inoltre, ad essere più penalizzati saranno i bassi redditi in quanto l’aumento dell’aliquota intermedia si applica su molti generi di prima necessità. In sintesi, è una scelta con effetti recessivi a catena sull’intera economia italiana. Anche se il gettito complessivo dell’Iva prevedibilmente calerà, l’aumento dovrebbe valere circa 5-5,5 miliardi. Ecco, quindi, che, detraendo la riduzione dell’Irpef (4,27 miliardi) dalla somma dell’incremento dell’Iva (5-5,5 miliardi) e delle minori deduzioni e detrazioni (2 miliardi), il saldo per i contribuenti è negativo per circa 2-2,5 miliardi, pesando però essenzialmente su quelli più poveri. Ma non basta. Infatti, il governo ha reso permanente l’aumento dell’accisa carburanti per il recente terremoto, allineandosi alla scuola di pensiero che ci fa pagare al distributore calamità di cinquanta anni fa. Nel decreto si prevede anche l’aumento delle aliquote della tassazione sul Tfr, dal 23% al 23,5%, per un Tfr maturato in 10 anni e pari a 20mila euro, dal 26,19% al 27%, per 20 mila euro, e dal 29,40 al 29,75%, per 40mila euro. I lavoratori pubblici, con il congelamento del rinnovo dei contratti e la conferma della sospensione della vacanza contrattuale, perderanno tra 2010 e 2014 dai 6mila agli 8000 euro. Un provvedimento ancora più iniquo se si considera che sono saltati i tagli del 5 e 10% sui superstipendi che nei ministeri superano abbondantemente in decine di casi i 200mila euro. Se il salario diretto in busta paga e quello differito, Tfr e pensioni, vengono colpiti, il salario indiretto, erogato attraverso i servizi sociali, viene attaccato ancora più duramente. Il decreto del governo prevede un taglio di 1,6 miliardi alla spesa sanitaria tra 2013 e 2014, che si aggiunge ai tagli già adottati. Inoltre, i trasferimenti statali agli enti locali verranno ridotti di 2,2 miliardi di euro, di cui 1,5 miliardi alle regioni. Considerando che i bilanci di molte regioni e comuni sono disastrati e che i ticket sanitari e le imposte locali sono già molto alti, questi tagli avranno un ulteriore effetto rialzista sulla tassazione locale e di peggioramento della qualità del servizio, che sarà scontato da chi non può usufruire della sanità privata. Chi beneficerà dei provvedimenti del governo? In primo luogo le grandi imprese. A queste verrà concesso uno sconto fiscale di 1,6 miliardi di tasse, praticamente l’equivalente dei tagli alla sanità, con i quali verrà pagato. Lo sconto è condizionato al raggiungimento di accordi di produttività tra imprese e sindacato. Si tratta di un’ulteriore spinta a rendere secondari i contratti nazionali e a legare le retribuzioni alla produttività. Questa non deriverebbe, stante anche il calo degli investimenti, da innovazioni tecnologiche e di prodotto ma dall’aumento dei ritmi e della durata del lavoro, che Squinzi, presidente di Confindustria, ha evocato come le leve da impiegare per salvare l’industria italiana. Dulcis in fundo, le scuole private percepiranno 223 milioni di euro, mentre gli insegnanti delle scuole pubbliche lavoreranno 6 ore in più alla settimana.

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La Grecia come Weimar, fascisti e polizia minacciano la democrazia

Poche settimane fa il Primo Ministro Greco, appellandosi all'Europa, ha sostenuto che Atene assomiglia sempre più alla Repubblica di Weimar prima dell'ascesa al potere di Hitler, con lo Stato a pezzi, le tensioni sociali alle stelle, il fascismo che dilaga.
Nonostante qualche titolo sui giornali, poco si è detto e nulla si è fatto a seguito di questa denuncia. La trojka europea sembra muta, non capisce cosa vogliono dire i tagli, cosa vuol dire la povertà estrema in Europa, e quali possono essere le conseguenze. 
Qui di seguito proponiamo 2 articoli, in inglese, che descrivono quello che succede ad Atene in questi giorni. Nel primo pezzo, di Paul Mason, della BBC, vengono descritte l'ascesa di Alba Dorata, le tattiche usate da questi fascisti e la collusione della polizia. L'articolo originale, con tanto di video-reportage (imprendibile) mostrato a News Night è disponibile a questo indirizzo:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-19976841
Nel secondo articolo, apparso qualche giorno fa sul Guardian, si descrive le torture a cui la polizia ha stati sottoposto i manifestanti che si erano opposti a Alba Dorata - qualcosa che ricorda molto da vicino i fatti di Bolzaneto nel 2001. La versione originale del pezzo è disponibile all'indirizzo:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/oct/09/greek-antifascist-protesters-torture-police

La nostra speranza è che ci si cominci a capire, finalmente, cosa vuol dire austerità.

Alarm at Greek police 'collusion' with far-right Golden Dawn

di Paul Mason

Greece's far-right party, Golden Dawn, won 18 parliamentary seats in the June election with a campaign openly hostile to illegal immigrants and there are now allegations that some Greek police are supporting the party.
"There is already civil war," says Ilias Panagiotaros. If so, the shop he owns is set to do a roaring trade.
It sells camouflage gear, police riot gloves, face masks and T-shirts extolling football hooliganism.
On the walls are posters celebrating the last civil war in Greece, which ended in 1949.
"Greek society is ready - even though no-one likes this - to have a fight: a new type of civil war," he says.
"On the one side there will be nationalists like us, and Greeks who want our country to be as it used to be, and on the other side illegal immigrants, anarchists and all those who have destroyed Athens several times," he adds.
You hear comments like this a lot in Greece now but Ilias Panagiotaros is not some figure on the fringes: he is a member of the Greek parliament, one of 18 MPs elected for the far-right Golden Dawn in June's general election.
Theatre attack And for Mr Panagiotaros, civil war is not something theoretical.
Last week he led a demonstration that closed down a performance of the Terence McNally play, Corpus Christi.
As police stood by, apparently oblivious, Mr Panagiotaros was filmed shouting racist and homophobic insults at the director of the play, and the actors cowering inside the Chyterio Theatre.
"Wrap it up you little faggots. Yes, just keep staring at me you little hooker. Your time is up.
"You Albanian assholes," shouts Mr Panagiotaros in the YouTube clip.
Footage filmed inside the theatre, as rocks showered into its open-air auditorium, shows the manager making frantic calls to the chief of police, demanding protection from a mob that had begun to beat up journalists outside.
Other footage shows Golden Dawn MP Christos Pappas "de-arrest" a demonstrator, pulling him from a police detention coach, as the police do nothing.
Calls were made to the public order ministry, who ordered the chief prosecutor to attend the scene. No help arrived.
"This was the Greek Kristallnacht," says Laertis Vassiliou, the play's director.
"People went home with broken bones. Every day they phone me now, they phone the theatre, saying: your days are numbered."
His eyes redden and his face begins to tremble as he tells me:
"They phoned my mother, Golden Dawn. They said we will deliver your son's body to you in a box of little pieces.
"I want to be told if we are in a democracy or a dictatorship?"
Growing alarm The attack on Corpus Christi has become a signal moment for Greek politics.
Though Golden Dawn members have attacked migrants frequently, in the past month the far-right party has stepped up its presence on the streets.
It launched a raid on a street market in Rafina, where its uniformed activists demanded to see the permits of migrant stallholders there - demonstratively smashing up the property of those who did not have them.
Now, with the attack on a theatre group, alarm is spreading among sections of society that were not previously affected by the party's actions.
I ask Mr Panagiotaros: how can it be right for a party in parliament to have a uniformed militia that takes on, violently, the role of law enforcement, checking papers and overturning market stalls? He explains:
"With one incident, which was on camera, the problem was solved - in every open market all over Greece illegal immigrants disappeared.
"There was some pushing and some fighting - nothing extraordinary, nothing special.
"Now, only with one phone call saying Golden Dawn is going to pass by, the police is going there. That means the brand name of Golden Dawn is very effective."
He confirms the party's strategy is to force police action against migrants and to claim their right to make citizens' arrests against those they suspect of criminality.
"It's like fashion - our dress code is now extremely popular and more people want to follow it. The brand name is synonymous with order, law and order and efficiency."
And if it projects fear among perfectly legal migrants? I ask.
"There are no legal migrants in Greece," says Mr Panagiotaros "not even one."
Now Golden Dawn is suddenly everywhere. Its eight local offices at election time have become 60 nationwide. It is polling consistently as the third most popular party at 12%.
Its parliamentarians have threatened to "drag migrant children from the kindergartens," and requested a list of the kindergartens with high migrant numbers. This, the Greek education ministry has willingly provided.
Time and again there is a pattern to Golden Dawn disturbances.
They target migrants, the Left, lawyers representing migrants, or in the case of the theatre picket, gay people. And the police stand by.
In Athens police are even alleged to have referred people experiencing problems with migrant neighbours to Golden Dawn for help.
Mr Panagiotaros confirms what opinion polls taken in June indicated: there is support for Golden Dawn inside the police force, way higher than in the general population.
"I think with what they are saying now we have more than 50%, 60% of police staff that are following us - maybe more - every day it is growing," says Mr Panagiotaros.
Many of his customers are police, who buy not just their riot gear but parts of their actual uniform from his militaria store, where police regulation shirts hang alongside T-shirts praising the Nazi group Combat 18 and the Chelsea Headhunters.
Policing the Greek crisis would pose a huge challenge, even without the issue of political support for the far right inside the police force.
Anarchists have tried to counter Golden Dawn's patrols in migrant areas by staging their own, motorbike mounted patrols - hundreds strong.
During a motorbike protest last week, a clash with Golden Dawn occurred.
A unit of the motorbike-mounted police called Delta Force arrested 15 demonstrators, stripping them naked in the prison cells and, say the detainees, using tasers, stress positions, humiliation techniques and beatings.
A report of this in the Guardian last week has become a matter of national controversy here, and is strenuously denied by the government.
On 8 October a further 25 protesters were arrested at a demonstration at the courthouse to support those originally detained.
Yiannis, one of those detained, tells the story:
"They searched us, made us strip, kneel. They hit me on the head and knees. They said we know where you all live.
I meet Yiannis and Maria, two of those alleging mistreatment, in a quiet flat in Exarchia, the bohemian district of Athens.
Both will speak only on condition that I change their names, and film them without showing their faces. Though charged eventually with misdemeanours, they were both held for four nights in police custody.
Yiannis continues: "They said: You're finished and things are not going to be the way they were from now on.
"They said they would pass on the video they filmed of us to Golden Dawn. They picked on me to use as an example to the others. They kept making me say to every new detainee: 'if you too disobey they will [hurt] your mother'."
Maria, who has been calm and confident as we have prepared for the interview, now becomes disturbed as she tells her story.
"They made me strip in front of the others," she says.
"The Delta police arrived and spoke about Golden Dawn as if they were their siblings, including the officer in charge. They praised Hitler, saying he was better than Stalin.
"They told us we should remember this - that they are Golden Dawn supporters now."
Throughout the ordeal, the arresting officers from the Delta Force, says Maria, continually flaunted their political support for Golden Dawn.
I put the allegations to Lt Col Christos Manouras, the spokesman for the Athens police. He tells me:
"I am categoric that in this incident none of these things happened in the headquarters building of the Attica police. Greek police respect human rights - and this is a non-story."
He adds: "These allegations were never made to the police. No charges were pressed, so the police could look into this from the beginning.
"All the same, if anybody wants to identify themselves - or even if a general allegation reaches us - we will investigate it further. If it involves police, whether racist violence or violence against another person, Greek or migrant, we investigate in depth."
Dimitris Psaras, whose new book, Golden Dawn's Black Bible, details the organisation's recent rise, believes the influence of far right within the police force works at an insidious level:
"There is an osmosis of Golden Dawn supporters, between those working in the police and those in private security as well as those providing night club protection.
"Sometimes the same person can be providing all these three services. They usually meet in local gyms and specific coffee shops owned by those who share the same ideology."
Mr Psaras believes that harsh police treatment of drug offenders and migrants gives a tacit signal to Golden Dawn that its illegal attacks on these groups are welcome.
I repeatedly put the question to Lt Col Manouras as to what strategy the police commanders have adopted to mitigate the risks of individual police support for Golden Dawn compromising operations.
"Every day we make operational plans of how to deal with such phenomena," he says.
"Rest assured we stand by the citizens and we try to prevent such situations.
"Of course we can't be on every corner. We are not magicians, to be able to ensure within two minutes that nothing goes wrong. But we do intervene immediately to normalize the situation."
Growing support
Golden Dawn has gained ground spectacularly in two leaps. First, during the riotous summer of 2011, when the right wing Christian nationalist party Laos disintegrated after it joined the pro-austerity coalition.
Laos vanished and Golden Dawn took its place, scoring 6-7% in the inconclusive Greek elections of May and June 2012.
The second spurt is occurring now, as the coalition government - which includes Conservatives, Socialists and the "moderate" Marxists of the Democratic Left party - has failed to put a lid on the crisis.
And the issue driving support for Golden Dawn is clear: illegal migration.
Faced with virtually uncontrollable borders, the coalition government launched a roundup of migrants from the city streets, and has detained around 4,000 in makeshift camps. A further 3,000 have been deported.
A senior lawmaker in the ruling New Democracy party told me, back in June: "What will solve the Golden Dawn problem is getting an immigration policy. We haven't had one."
But the crackdown on immigration has not stopped Golden Dawn's rise. As the media have joined in - relentlessly identifying foreigners with crime - the far right's poll rating has increased.
Theodora Oikonomides, a journalist at the alternative radio network RadioBubble, who has covered the rise of Golden Dawn, voices a fear common to many:
"Golden Dawn's favourite themes, such as xenophobia, homophobia and anti-Semitism have now become part of Greek public discourse, whether at the political or at the social level.
"By failing to take action against Golden Dawn while nodding and winking to its electorate at every opportunity, the Greek politicians - who are now in power with the support of European partners - have opened a Pandora's box that will not close any time soon."
Political war Last month, the Greek prime minister, Antonis Samaras, warned Europe that his country was on the edge of a Weimar Germany-style social collapse.
What I have seen on the streets of Athens convinces me this is not rhetoric. The situation is changing rapidly.
There is a violent far-right party, its MPs committing and inciting violence with impunity; a police force that cannot or will not prevent Golden Dawn from projecting uniformed force on the streets. And a middle class that feels increasingly powerless to turn the situation round.
When Angela Merkel came here last week, there were violent scenes and a total lockdown of the city. Only from the TV news can the German Chancellor have witnessed the impact of the EU-imposed austerity.
Well here is what it looks like to Golden Dawn's second in command, Ilias Panagiotaros.
In the garden outside his shop, protected by 15-foot high fencing and beefy colleagues in their black T-shirts, he tells me:
"Golden Dawn is at war with the political system and those who represent it, with the domestic and international bankers, we are at war with these invaders - immigrants.
"And if Syriza wins the next election, we will win the one after that. It is not a dream that within one, two or three years we will be the first political party."
And here is how it looks to Laertis Vassiliou, the theatre director whose play was shut down:
"If the European Commissioner for Human Rights, the European Parliament, the Greek parliament don't intervene in this situation I am afraid to think what's going to happen. Europe must do something if they don't want a revival of the Third Reich again."
Close up, in other words, the social and political outcome of the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and EU (European Union) austerity programme, and of the implosion of mainstream politics in Greece, looks like a catastrophe for democracy.


Greek anti-fascist protesters 'tortured by police' after Golden Dawn clash


di Maria Margoranis

Fifteen anti-fascist protesters arrested in Athens during a clash with supporters of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn have said they were tortured in the Attica General Police Directorate (GADA) – the Athens equivalent of Scotland Yard – and subjected to what their lawyer describes as an Abu Ghraib-style humiliation.
Members of a second group of 25 who were arrested after demonstrating in support of their fellow anti-fascists the next day said they were beaten and made to strip naked and bend over in front of officers and other protesters inside the same police station.

Several of the protesters arrested after the first demonstration on Sunday 30 September told the Guardian they were slapped and hit by a police officer while five or six others watched, were spat on and "used as ashtrays" because they "stank", and were kept awake all night with torches and lasers being shone in their eyes.

Some said they were burned on the arms with a cigarette lighter, and they said police officers videoed them on their mobile phones and threatened to post the pictures on the internet and give their home addresses to Golden Dawn, which has a track record of political violence.
Golden Dawn's popularity has surged since the June election, when it won 18 seats in parliament; it recently came third in several opinion polls, behind the conservative New Democracy and the leftwing party Syriza.
Last month the Guardian reported that victims of crime have been told by police officers to seek help from Golden Dawn, who then felt obliged to make donations to the group.
One of the two women among them said the officers used crude sexual insults and pulled her head back by the hair when she tried to avoid being filmed. The protesters said they were denied drinking water and access to lawyers for 19 hours. "We were so thirsty we drank water from the toilets," she said.
One man with a bleeding head wound and a broken arm that he said had been sustained during his arrest alleged the police continued to beat him in GADA and refused him medical treatment until the next morning. Another said the police forced his legs apart and kicked him in the testicles during the arrest.
"They spat on me and said we would die like our grandfathers in the civil war," he said.
A third said he was hit on the spine with a Taser as he tried to run away; the burn mark is still visible. "It's like an electric shock," he said. "My legs were paralysed for a few minutes and I fell. They handcuffed me behind my back and started hitting and kicking me in the ribs and the head. Then they told me to stand up, but I couldn't, so they pulled me up by the chain while standing on my shin. They kept kicking and punching me for five blocks to the patrol car."
The protesters asked that their names not be published, for fear of reprisals from the police or Golden Dawn.
A second group of protesters also said they were "tortured" at GADA. "We all had to go past an officer who made us strip naked in the corridor, bend over and open our back passage in front of everyone else who was there," one of them told the Guardian. "He did whatever he wanted with us – slapped us, hit us, told us not to look at him, not to sit cross-legged. Other officers who came by did nothing.
"All we could do was look at each other out of the corners of our eyes to give each other courage. He had us there for more than two hours. He would take phone calls on his mobile and say, 'I'm at work and I'm fucking them, I'm fucking them up well'. In the end only four of us were charged, with resisting arrest. It was a day out of the past, out of the colonels' junta."
In response to the allegations, Christos Manouras, press spokesman for the Hellenic police, said: "There was no use of force by police officers against anyone in GADA. The Greek police examine and investigate in depth every single report regarding the use of violence by police officers; if there are any responsibilities arising, the police take the imposed disciplinary action against the officers responsible. There is no doubt that the Greek police always respect human rights and don't use violence."
Sunday's protest was called after a Tanzanian community centre was vandalised by a group of 80-100 people in a central Athens neighbourhood near Aghios Panteleimon, a stronghold of Golden Dawn where there have been many violent attacks on immigrants.
According to protesters, about 150 people rode through the neighbourhood on motorcycles handing out leaflets. They said the front of the parade encountered two or three men in black Golden Dawn T-shirts, and a fight broke out. A large number of police immediately swooped on them from the surrounding streets.
According to Manouras: "During the motorcycle protest there were clashes between demonstrators and local residents. The police intervened to prevent the situation from deteriorating and restore public order. There might have been some minor injuries, during the clashes between residents, protesters and police."
Marina Daliani, a lawyer for one of the Athens 15, said they had been charged with "disturbing the peace with covered faces" (because they were wearing motorcycle helmets), and with grievous bodily harm against two people. But, she said, no evidence of such harm had so far been submitted. They have now been released on bail of €3,000 (£2,400) each.
According to Charis Ladis, a lawyer for another of the protesters, the sustained mistreatment of Greeks in police custody has been rare until this year: "This case shows that a page has been turned. Until now there was an assumption that someone who was arrested, even violently, would be safe in custody. But these young people have all said they lived through an interminable dark night.
Dimitris Katsaris, a lawyer for four of the protesters, said his clients had suffered Abu Ghraib-style humiliation, referring to the detention centre where Iraqi detainees were tortured by US soldiers during the Iraq war. "This is not just a case of police brutality of the kind you hear about now and then in every European country. This is happening daily. We have the pictures, we have the evidence of what happens to people getting arrested protesting against the rise of the neo-Nazi party in Greece. This is the new face of the police, with the collaboration of the justice system."
One of the arrested protesters, a quiet man in his 30s standing by himself, said: "Journalists here don't report these things. You have to tell them what's happening here, in this country that suffered so much from Nazism. No one will pay attention unless you report these things abroad."




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